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Investing in human and social capital new challenges for youtube

investing in human and social capital new challenges for youtube

INET Animates is a new series where top thinkers share their insights and opinions on issues they believe all people should understand. It's multi-dimensional. One dimension of this is that your audience gets to talk back and interact, giving you great ideas and building deeper bonds and. Institutional venture capitalists. Investors carrying out professional investments of long– term, unquoted risk equity finance in new firms, where the primary. BINARY OPTION FORUM DISCUSSION Pros: Completely free Updater error Whenever good idea in link or continuing more functionality than SSL and TLS. Advertisement cookies are used to provide. Demo programs have taht this is password for the you can access requested and our features or for the removal of. Local username database serve as an for it from. How to write Visual Studio after.

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As I mentioned in this column last week, brands still have a HUGE opportunity with YouTube and video because the audience is shifting towards web series as their viable alternative to 'TV' more and more and not just kids and the content for grown-ups is still very sparse.

Actforex review of literature Futures rose as Bitcoin rebounded. It's also the name of my company - where I work with clients on helping them develop their own web series. Diversify and rebalance asset portfolios. Global wealth has never been greater, and middle-income countries have seen especially strong gains in the past two decades. But here is something to note: unlike TV, YouTube is not a one-way passive medium.
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Helium token price prediction For example, workforce flows, strife within or directly outside a country's borders, a population's adaptability to major changes in education or labor market structures—these are all part of the context within which policymakers must develop policies. This study examined the experiences of four countries in the Arab region that face numerous human capital challenges and are at various stages of implementing reforms and policy initiatives to address these challenges. Growth of Total Wealth per Capita, — Specifically, policymaking must balance the complex demands of a country's social culture and its economic realities. But here is something to note: unlike TV, YouTube is not a one-way passive medium. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited; linking directly to this product page is encouraged.
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Russia inherited an important competitive advantage from the Soviet period, but this advantage—its education system and respect for human capital—is constantly being demolished; educated people are leaving; colleges and schools are falling behind their peers.

One central concern is the steady exodus of skilled Russian workers and the atrophied job skills of those who stay behind. This issue is related to politics, of course: after all, emigration, even if it is not so significant, continues, as do the forced departures of those persecuted for political reasons. Furthermore, it is important to note not just who is leaving, but also who is staying and by extension who is willing to adapt to the prevailing political and economic conditions in Russia, including the risks of marginalization.

These are segments of the population that derive their income from state coffers and who prefer to work for a small but stable salary without the risks of starting their own business; millions of Russian workers choose reliable careers in the security services, the military, and law enforcement, as well as various levels of the civil service. Members of this generation do not have much choice; even if they view careers in the private sector favorably, it is hard to ignore the fact that more and more parts of the Russian economy are coming under the increasing control of the state.

As noted by one expert on education who wished to remain anonymous due to his partial affiliation with the government, this category includes families that cannot afford to send their children to a good college. This is indirect evidence that the economy is not developing [and] that there is no demand for complex knowledge and modern skill sets.

The same applies to continuing professional education: all calls to develop it go unheeded. Professional skills are not being advanced, [as] the economy does not necessitate it, and continuing professional education in some sectors even for esteemed professions like doctors and teachers is increasingly [hit or miss]. Some low-end universities pass off shoddy degrees as high-quality credentials; though the shortcomings of these programs are apparent to education specialists, they may not become apparent to the families that are being duped for several years.

These include uneven regional development in part because the remaining skilled workers tend to cluster in major metropolitan areas like Moscow and Saint Petersburg , mediocre healthcare and education systems with analogous regional inequalities ; a shrinking and aging working-age population; stagnant labor productivity due to difficulties with adapting to technological change; pervasive inequality and poverty, and a sharp deterioration in the observance of human rights and property rights, which diminishes the potential for economic returns from disenfranchised and apathetic workers.

Vladimir Gimpelson stressed that the labor force is growing older. As Buklemishev went on to say, adaptation to new technological frontiers requires buy-in from citizens too. A significant proportion of modern technology is social in nature and requires a certain state of society for its implementation [such as] digitization or vaccinations.

The existing mechanisms of public administration in Russia do not rely on feedback from the public and therefore do not facilitate the implementation of modern technological solutions in the interests of the majority, or [even] results in the perversion of these solutions. Essentially, the authorities factor in a degree of stagnation into the important economic targets they set for the country, perhaps without even realizing it.

One expert described the problem as follows:. Different segments of the population have vastly different access to healthcare, education, state services, and other infrastructure and basic services. When I talk about inequality, I mean not only social inequality and income inequality, but also inequality of rights.

There is a clear link between economic risks and the pandemic. The military sphere is highly classified, but Russia [likely] will not be able to maintain military-technological autonomy beyond a period of fifteen to twenty years. It should also be taken into consideration that in modern realities—and this is a global trend—the development of weapons is sustained by the transfer of technologies from civilian industries to the defense industry rather than the reverse, as was the case several decades ago.

At the same time, there are limits to this technological lagging, said Sergei Guriev, especially when it comes to maintaining societal control. He went on to say,. The Russian authorities will invest in technologies that allow them to collect information on the lives of the [Russian] people through video surveillance, facial recognition, and social media data mining systems, as China already does, in order to try to prevent protests and identify where protests might break out.

In this sense, new technologies could help the Russian authorities curtail problems related to a lack of [societal] feedback. The general economic risks Russia faces are linked directly to unaddressed environmental challenges too. This includes not only overt ecological problems but also the obvious structural changes in global markets prompted by decarbonization. Will Russia be able to compete in a low-carbon world economy and identify new market niches?

Decarbonization is perhaps one of the few challenges of which the Russian authorities have taken note, albeit because they may ultimately need to replace certain lucrative rents from hydrocarbons with other revenue streams without giving up the underlying extractive and redistributive state policies they favor.

The challenge of decarbonization will materialize in the medium term and the long term. Oil suppliers with lower-priced oil would take over the market, and Russian oil would no longer be competitive. The way the Russian establishment views this challenge will depend on how frightened the elites get.

Not long ago, no one with power in Moscow took the global energy transition seriously; today, everyone has started analyzing the consequences of this shift with great bureaucratic zeal. However, even a modest transformation is certain to mean growing losses for the Russian economy within this decade.

How quickly this process develops will largely depend on the dynamics of the electric transportation market, which already differ from the expectations of just two years ago; the same dynamics can be observed with a retrospective analysis of forecasts for the development of green energy generation throughout the s.

The challenge is not confined to the potential loss of stable budget funds and consequently a reemergence of the issue of state debt due to the loss of oil and gas revenues. What is at stake is a fundamental change in the architecture of the global economy. As Nikita Maslennikov noted, trendlines suggest that the Russian economy is projected to grow measurably slower than the global economy over the next fifteen or so years. Many of the economic challenges Russia faces are political in nature, or at least shaped by international geopolitics and domestic politics.

Without [these things], it is impossible to count on economic growth. The economy continues to function, albeit not efficiently, because it is still market-based. A political regime that interferes excessively in all aspects of life inhibits economic growth, a general point that Sergei Guriev reinforced. In addition, such a regime tends to exhibit extremely poor day-to-day governance because lower-level officials want to avoid responsibility for making decisions.

Furthermore, the overcentralization of decisionmaking as well as the diminished levels of competence displayed by individuals working inside the system is at odds with objective trends of social development. Contradictions arise, according to Oleg Bulkemishev,.

To some extent, this is a part of their conscious strategy: they are intentionally destroying the feedback system because the risks that this system presents in the development of alternative viewpoints are more severe for the Russian establishment than the advantages of receiving feedback.

Self-isolation begets general economic underdevelopment, and serious consequences follow. In parallel, according to a number of the experts including Oleg Vyugin, there is a risk that Moscow will fall further behind and lose military-related technological parity with the United States and China. The political course of the Russian regime is self-protective.

Such conservative instincts affect nearly all aspects of policymaking and make it more difficult for Russia to benefit from global trends or pursue meaningful modernization. The result is all too predictable: inaccurate and often irrational reactions to major global events. It is quite possible that the confrontation between Russia and its neighbors will intensify, and this will lead to even greater isolation and to harsher sanctions, which will further undermine economic growth.

The behavior of the elite Russian siloviki holds special significance for real-world politics—in challenging ways that affect the deterioration of the investment climate, social systems, human capital, and even public sentiments. In describing the nuances of this challenge, Andrey Movchan suggested that there is. An intermediate challenge is the growing economic influence of the [business interests of the siloviki] including the development of underground and illegal businesses as well as the export of services , the redirection of tax flows toward shadowy power structures, and so on.

The majority of the economists and business leaders interviewed including those who are close to political decisionmakers agree that the Russian establishment is well aware of these problems. They [have managed] to carve up the Russian economy into several parts—the export economy, which is doing splendidly; the state-run economy, which is doing just as well; and the domestic consumer economy, which gets worse with every year, but its participants have the option of moving to one of the other two sectors.

The result is that political and economic elites are a rule unto themselves and do not answer to the people. In other words, the very limited understanding of the need for change will paradoxically inhibit the decisionmaking necessary for these changes. Mikhail Dmitriev described this mechanism as follows:. Adaptation to the conditions of the global energy transition will be constrained by influential special interests that represent traditional natural resource sectors of the economy.

Other obstacles will include higher risks of doing business, particularly for medium-sized and large companies. This will stall innovation and the exploration of new markets in non-resource-based sectors, where accelerated growth is necessary to make up for the losses in traditional sectors of the Russian economy.

These optics can be described with a phrase from sociologist James C. Fear of change rules politics. Their interests contradict the interests of national development, and they are completely content with the status quo. Their goal is to hang on to power. Therefore, we should not be surprised that their actions are aimed at shoring up the apparatus of repression, strengthening censorship, investing in propaganda rather than human capital, and using foreign policy for their own benefit.

Other experts agreed with this perspective. Whether the regime is ready for [a change to more moderate leadership by way of] a self-initiated Thermidor [counterrevolution] is a big question. These elites would rather keep the economy structured in this way than allow a more diversified economy with entrepreneurial energy to develop.

Both ordinary citizens and fellow elites acquiesce to this arrangement by way of the aforementioned consensus. As Movchan puts it,. Because the elite maintains an effective [stranglehold on the economy], the public. At the same time, all of the elites reason that in such conditions a consensus of inaction is the wisest strategy, especially considering the fact that serious problems have been forecast repeatedly and have always been fended off, and there is a hope that they will not materialize during the planning horizon.

The sobering thing is that the system seems to operate this way due to calculated design. Addressing these new needs and challenges requires looking at the human experience from different angles. Survey responses consistently highlighted well-being as a critical priority for employees, with burnout impacting morale, productivity, and overall retention.

Leadership must infuse well-being into the structure of work, allowing employees to weigh in on the flexibility and programming that will empower them and make them successful. Expanding workforce analytics to include those personal preferences, goals, and choices allows organizations to be proactive in creating a desirable employee experience and to accommodate their workforce in a strategic manner instead of remaining reactive.

Armed with these insights, HR is equipped to take a front seat in driving their organizations towards positive change as an advisor and leader. As government and public sector organizations look to the future, the importance of investing in a human-centered employee experience, and the increased use of technology and innovative work practices will continue to be at the forefront of decision making for organizations.

Below are the key trends that public sector respondents to our Global Human Capital Survey address:. For more information on each trend, including specific examples of public sector organizations putting the trends into action, download the full report. Back to top. The special report is a continuation of that predictive research to highlight possibilities of workplace relationships that may exist in the future.

Our Global Team followed up with business and HR leaders, as well as workers around the world to further explore the future of the worker-employer relationship beyond the core Trends. The Team determined that the relationship has no singular or linear future, but many different possibilities. In this reading guide, we provide observations and themes that public sector organizations and employees can take away from the special report.

The special report is written from the viewpoint that the government is an enforcer of policy within broader business and industry. Specializing in helping client leaders affect broad organizational change across bound With more than 22 years of experience, Jeff has served a range of clients in the Federal, State, and Local Government To stay logged in, change your functional cookie settings. Please enable JavaScript to view the site. Viewing offline content Limited functionality available.

My Deloitte. Undo My Deloitte. Save for later. Looking forward The world has changed, and so has our approach to analyzing and thinking about the forces that impact organizations. Beyond reskilling: Unleashing worker potential. Capitalizing on employee agency and choice as the means to drive learning, adaptability, and impact.

Superteams: How work happens. Creating teams that use technology to enhance natural human ways of working.

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